In the introduction of this part I provided some background that would permit an easier understanding of why The Unconventional Warrior Series is important, not only to the reader, but to the world. I was involved in top secret covert operations and understand the need for secrecy with regard to current activities, for contingency planning to cover potential threats and to mask historically significant actions of the past. Though I also recognize and appreciate the fact that national security dictates the need for a system of compartmentalization, I draw the line when it comes to maintaining a lid of secrecy on illegal operations or actions that have been covered-up only to protect agencies and people from civil or criminal prosecution for evil and wrongdoing. In certain instances, those honorable persons who would go up against that very evil in established agencies or departments of government, and attempt to take that action needed to cure or attempt to cure an illegal situation soon found themselves in personal jeopardy. Depending on the scope and depth of the illegal activity being attacked by an honest citizen, the price that person may pay for “going against the grain” could run the gamut of possible retaliatory consequences, from simple loss of job, through character assassination to the ultimate punishment, death.
When you have the opportunity to read my book Expendable Elite – One Soldier’s Journey into Covert Warfare, you will learn that my refusing a CIA mission that involved the assassination of Cambodian Crown Prince Sihanouk and my ordering the CIA agent who had brought the mission to me to leave my Special Forces Camp, brought on their wrath. Within days we were the target of an entire 1,000+ man ARVN Regiment sent to kill us and take over the camp. They were told that I was a “renegade captain” leading the 64,000 Hoa Hao people against the Saigon government.
ARVN Lieutenant General Quang Van Dang came to our rescue and, within days of his turning the ARVN Regiment back to their home base, entering our camp and assured us immunity from any further government action, he became the victim of a horrendous character assassination program that resulted in his being held in Montreal, Quebec as an illegal alien waiting deportation while being refused entry into the United States. “They” didn’t like him coming to our rescue. “They” were and still are the CIA. It took eleven months of hard fought political warfare to lead the way to his being given a permanent entry visa, to escort him into this country and to learn later of his becoming a US citizen! Sometime in 2003 a book titledGeneral Dang – Victim of Subterfuge will set the record straight, once and for all, and the world will know truth about An Phu, the White House and General Dang.
Once General Dang and my SF camp counterpart, former ARVN Major Phoi Van Le, were safely in this country and able to corroborate the majority of what was contained in the narrative of my book, Expendable Elite, a gentleman named Robert Logan purchased the rights to make a movie of my book. As he went out to seek responses from former members of my “A Team” asking if they could corroborate what I’d written, the Secretary of the Special Forces Association (where 6,000 Green Berets are members) called Robert Logan’s attorney and told him that “there would be repercussions” if he were to go ahead with the movie. Secretary James Dean, for reasons only he could accurately state, made certain that I was no longer welcome in the Special Forces Association. I believe the content of my book, coupled with the fact that I had, in 1999, provided evidence of SF gun-running that had taken place in 1967 to the attorneys representing the family of Martin Luther King, Jr., which may have helped convince a jury that our government was “complicit” in the assassination of King, set me up as a “risk” to SF. This will be presented in detail in Part Sixteen of this series.
On the 21st of May, 1990, Sam Jaffe, a friend of General Quang Van Dang (see above) called me to report a multi-billion dollar scam involving the US Government. He had been told by General Dang that I “feared no one but Jesus Christ and could be trusted.” After first writing him on 30 May 1990 and learning quickly that it did involve the CIA, I warned Congressman Matthew McHugh in a letter dated 18 June 1990 of “grave and imminent danger” if the CIA were involved. Seven days later his Ithaca, NY staffer, Jean McPheeters, told me that she had been advised by the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence attorney (Raimo) “not to interfere in their business with the CIA.” She advised that I contact the FBI. I called FBI agent Gene Klops that same day and he met with me in my office on 5 July 1990. I asked that the FBI investigate the scam, providing him with all the details I had in my possession. Telling me that it wasn’t “plausible” that government agencies would defraud American Citizens, he said he would need proof that a federal law had been broken. Seeming very nervous after going over names, places and details I provided him and hearing me discuss the possibility of CIA involvement, he asked me “Aren’t you afraid they [CIA]will put a bomb in your car?” Within four days of his visit to my office one of the primary characters involved in the scam whose name (Max Erbe) I had given to Klops was shot and “possibly killed” in Philadelphia. Ten days later another whose name I’d provided Klops, a man named John Grey, was “brutalized and told to keep his mouth shut” by thugs hired by the CIA according to an anonymous contact of mine. On 2 October 1990, Robin Palmer, a local TV producer, asked Jean McPheeters to join in a live talk show that would discuss the scam. She declined, telling Robin Palmer, “someone could get hurt if Marvin pursues this matter.” When Robin Palmer and I met personally with Congressman McHugh in his Ithaca, NY office on 2 December 1990 to discuss the scam, McHugh told us that he had not discussed it with the CIA or the FBI or taken any action to initiate an investigation on the alleged assassination of Erbe, the beating torture of Grey or the alleged scam itself. Instead, he told us “the committee [HPSCI] is not involved in individual relationships the CIA has with people”.
Beginning in November 1989, during the time I was fighting the CIA to gain recompense for General Dang due him (for the campaign of subterfuge and heinous innuendo they had precipitated against Dang from July 1966 through September 1989 when I rescued him from his forced quasi-exile in Montreal, Quebec), the FBI took action to physically monitor my mail on a daily basis for six months. This action, which I had been advised of by a Post Office employee of impeccable credentials, was reported in detail to Congressman McHugh and to my knowledge no action was taken.
Those are the basics of a number of illegal activities that I am personally knowledgeable of and which will be explained in greater detail in upcoming books within the SPECIAL OPERATIONS SERIES.
[Edited by Jeanne Calabretta]